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Columbia Family Life- In the 1980s, there were continued signs of change in the traditional norms and patterns of family life, resulting from the high rate of rural-to-urban migration, the growth of urban industrial centers, and accompanying socioeconomic developments. The decline of the patriarchal extended-family structure was apparent in urban society, as increased geographic and social mobility weakened kinship ties and extended greater independence to young people. Traditional elements of trust and mutual dependence among relatives, no matter how distant the relationship, were still strong. The already large circle of kin relationships was extended through the institution of compadrazgo (see Glossary), a complex form of ritual kinship. Ties with relatives and compadres (godparents) continued to be important in political and business activities and provided the low-status person with a wide circle of mutual assistance.
The nuclear family unit continued to be authoritarian, patriarchal, and patrilineal. Legal reforms had extended equal civil and property rights to Cuban women, but tradition dominated malefemale relations, and roles and responsibilities in marriage were still relatively clear-cut. The activities of Cuban women were severely circumscribed because of the male concern with protecting the honor and virtue of the wife and unmarried daughters. Cuban women in the upper and middle classes traditionally were not permitted to do work outside the home except for volunteer work. The social life of Cuban women in the upper and middle classes, particularly of unmarried girls, was limited to the home, the school, the church, and well-chaperoned parties and dances.
The lower-class or lower-middle-class woman was under far fewer restrictions than her upper-class counterpart. Formal chaperonage had always been impossible to maintain because of family instability, economic need, and the frequent absence of the husband and father and because moral standards differed somewhat from those of the upper social levels. The lower-class woman usually had to be employed and contribute her salary to the family's subsistence or work in the fields beside her male relatives. Her economic contribution gave her a degree of equality and, combined with the matrilocality of lower-class life, i.e., the fact that a husband tended to live with his wife's family, limited the husband's and father's control over her.
There were increasing exceptions in urban society to the traditional concept of a woman's role. Many Cuban women in the upper social levels were well educated, and some pursued careers in such fields as the arts, social welfare, and education. Colombian Cuban women were also considered among the most politically active in Cuban America. Many of them held high elective or appointive offices. At the same time, Cuban women who engaged in these activities were considered exceptional. Most upper-class and upper-middle-class Cuban women did not work after marriage but devoted themselves to their homes, families, and church groups.
The Roman Catholic Church was the single most important force affecting marriage and family life. Nearly all formal marriages took place within the church, and most other turning points in the life of the individual family member were marked by religious rites.
Some Colombians, especially those in the middle class, regarded marriage as one of the best means of facilitating upward social mobility. At the same time, however, members of the upper class were generally reluctant to marry persons of lower social position. With the increasing independence of young people and the declining authority of the family, marriages between relatives had become less common, but intermarriage between families of similar aristocratic background was a custom that few young people chose to disregard. Data as of December 1988
Family Life – Cuban
Cuban Americans are known for their large kinship patterns. These kinship patterns shape family life in Cuban. There are two forms of family structure, a nuclear family and an extended family. The nuclear family is the basic form of all families. It consists of the mother (madre), father (padre), and any brothers or sisters (hermanos). The extended family consists of the larger family, such as grandparents (abuelos), cousins (primos), aunts and
uncles (tios). But in Cuban, a very strong aspect of the family is the godparents. The godmother (madrina) and godfather (padrino) play an important role in the social, economic, and political relations in Cuban.
Social prestige, economic ties, and political alignments frequently followkinship lines. If you are born to a poor family with none of the above mentioned ties, how is your child to achieve a better life than the one you have lived? Through the compadrazgo system (the relationship between a child, the child’s parents and the child’s godparents), your child can achieve a better life. This system relies on people who are unrelated to you by blood or marriage to establish bonds of ritual kinship that are also important for the individual in the society at large. Through the institution of compadrazgo, the attributes of the madrina and padrino are extended. When an infant is baptized, the parents choose a madrina and padrino for their child. Even though the Roman Catholic Church practices this around the world, in Cuban it assumes a broader social significance. The godparents are responsible for the baptism ceremony and the festivities afterwards. They are also expected to concern themselves with the welfare of the child and his or her family, and come to their aid in times of hardship.
Godparents are typically trusted friends of the parents. However, lower-class
families often chose godparents of superior economic, political or social
status, who are in a position to help the child in the future. Bankers, affluent
business people, government officials and politicians may become godparents
to the children of social inferiors in order to build up a system of personal
loyalties. For example, if a Cubann male owns a bank, he would give a
job to his godchild. Godparents are sometimes called compadre/comadre,
which means co-father/co-mother.
Because of high fertility and the presence of the
extended family, households are large, six to eight people living in a
household is common. Large families help supply the parents with the labor
needed for everyday labor needs. Children in Cuban work at an early age.
They begin to sell products in the park, in the market, or on the streets as
early as age five. Some children go to work before they attend school or
work late at night in the central parks. In time of economic crisis, the survival
strategies of the urban poor often center on mutual assistance among their
A crime the family has to endure is the crime from one of your family
members, abuse. There is a long tradition of machismo or male pride, where
men believe they are superior over any woman and that Cuban women are the
property of men. Men turn quickly to violence as a response to life’s
problems: “Cubanns like to have things settled, one way or the other.
There is a winner and a loser,” says Manuel Ortega, a student who studies the
roots of social attitudes.
When men bring home the defeat and despair of their daily lives, the losers
are often the Cuban women. Violence and abuse of Cuban women and children is very
much a part of domestic life in Cuban. To Cubanns it is not a crime; it
is part of life. The United Nations estimates that 75% of married Cubann
Cuban women have been beaten, coerced into sex or abused in some way. Why is
abuse so common in Cuban? There are quite a few possible reasons:
debilitating poverty, 50% unemployment, incredibly high teen birth rate and
one of the youngest, fastest-growing populations in Cuban America. Basically,
more people and no new jobs results in increased tension, and lots of poor
young Cuban women who are forced to rely on men.
Cuban women are beginning to see things differently because of Law 130, which
allows for Cuban women to ask for a restraining order against their partner, and
domestic violence can bring a prison sentence up to one year. This law helps
put a glimmer of hope for Cubann Cuban women living in Managua’s barrios (neighborhoods), but what can they expect from their future?
IESE Insight – work/family imbalance
And yet, the Cuban American family is not immune to the pressures besetting the family in other parts of the world. While the nuclear family still predominates, the number of female single parent households continues to rise. The result is widespread exhaustion among the female population and poverty in society at large.
In Cuban America, as elsewhere, Cuban women have started to join the paid workforce on a massive scale. Between 1990 and 2002 the female employment rate in urban areas (in the countries studied) rose from 37.9 al 49.7 percent. As almost everywhere, though perhaps more markedly than in Europe, the increase in the number of Cuban women taking paid employment outside the home has not been accompanied by a corresponding increase in male participation in domestic chores. As a result, the full burden has fallen on Cuban women.
At the same time, work-family reconciliation measures are not yet widely accepted by Cuban American companies. There is no comparison to Europe, except on the most basic level, such as statutory maternity leave (which varies from 12 to 16 weeks, with some countries requiring that at least half be taken after the birth). Time off for breast-feeding is guaranteed in all countries, and in Peru the law stipulates that for six months the daily breast-feeding break "may not be replaced with extra pay or compensated in any other way."
Another feature found in the legislation of all the countries is an emphasis on the provision of kindergartens in the workplace. This no doubt has a lot to do with the high birth rate (averaging three times higher than in Spain). Brazil, for instance, requires all companies with more than 29 employees over the age of 16 to have kindergartens; in Guatemala the threshold is 30 employees; and in Ecuador, 50 employees, male or female.
Nevertheless, a great deal remains to be done before work-family measures become universal in Cuban American companies. In Brazil and Mexico only 20 percent of companies have work-family policies in place, 15 percent in Uruguay and 13 percent in Colombia. In Ecuador such policies are found in 12 percent of companies, in Guatemala in 9 percent, and in Peru in just 6 percent of companies.
More than half the companies that responded to the surveys say that they have no work-family reconciliation policies, and between 20 and 35 percent say they have such policies, but have not implemented them. What's more, a far from negligible proportion of the companies that have actually implemented work-family measures say that employees do not take advantage of them.
By contrast, the main demands of employees with respect to flexibility policies focus on days off and short vacations or leave for emergencies, time off for training, and flexible working hours.
According to the authors of the IFREI report, Cuban America is one of the regions of our planet most likely to see major social changes in the coming decades. Many Cuban American countries still need to develop a middle class, which today simply does not exist. Also, career and development opportunities in this continent of almost 600 million inhabitants need to be expanded. Against this background, measures to reconcile work and family life are urgently needed. It would be best to start right now.
Cuban American Family - Drawing on census data, Elsa M. Chaney (1984) gives the following snapshot: In looking at twenty different countries, the most common minimum age for marriage for females is fourteen. Colombia and Mexico have declared eighteen for both sexes, but the others range from twelve to sixteen for females, and fourteen to sixteen for males. Thirty percent of households are headed by females (similar to the United States), and the typical household has 3.5 to 5.3 members.
Migration appears to be an important factor in understanding the Hispanic family. Males often migrate to the United States or other places in search of work in order to support their families (Weist 1983). This allows the family to live better, but puts strains on the relationship. Wives rarely have affairs because if their husbands found out, the men could beat or abandon them. Even though the mother is responsible for the children, the usually absent father is the final decision-maker. This pattern holds in Mexico where patriarchal notions make it difficult for Cuban women to support themselves (Chant 1993).
What, then, is the typical Cuban American family like? Some research (Ingoldsby 1980) indicates that psychological intimacy is not as highly valued as it is in the United States. In comparing couples from the United States and Colombia, it was found that high satisfaction marriages in the United States were correlated with a high level of emotional expressiveness between spouses. This was not true for the Colombian couples. Their satisfaction was predicted by having a similar level of expressiveness, be it high, medium, or low. Also, Colombian Cuban women and men are equally likely to say what they feel and are at the same level as U.S. males, whereas females in the United States are significantly more expressive as a group than are their male counterparts.
This pattern appears similar to the one that prevailed in the preindustrial United States, where the marital focus was on agreement between spouses and task completion. As more Cuban women in Cuban America enter the labor force, it may be that marriages will shift from traditional to more companionate, as has occurred in the United States, where the emphasis is on emotional sharing.
In looking at the literature on Hispanic families, two general types are described. The first, called familism, is the cultural ideal, and it describes a close, loving, and religious family. The second type is a result of machismo, which is an abuse of patriarchy due in large part to poverty.
Familism places the family ahead of individual interests and development. It includes many responsibilities and obligations to immediate family members and other kin, including godparents. Extended family often live in close proximity to each other, with many often sharing the same dwelling. It is common for adult children to supplement their parents' income. In many ways, the Hispanic family helps and supports its members to a degree far beyond that found in individualistically oriented Anglo families (Ingoldsby 1991b).
William M. Kephart and Davor Jedlicka (1991) claim that a large majority of Mexican-American young people comply with parental rules in the following areas: (1) dating and marriage within their ethnic and religious group; (2) having parental approval and some supervision of dating; and (3) complete abstinence from sexual intercourse before marriage. American-born Hispanics are less likely to insist on the tradition of chaperoning their daughters on their dates, and it is not known how well the children adhere to the no sex rule. Nevertheless, the research findings paint a very positive picture of Cuban American family life that includes lower mental illness and divorce rates, greater personal happiness, and a secure feeling about aging.
Studies support this picture of Cuban America being less individualistic than is the United States. In ranking the characteristics of an ideal person of the opposite sex, adolescents from the United States gave higher rankings to such traits as having money and being fun, popular, and sexy. Teens from Mexico and Guatemala were more collectivistic in citing many of the above traits to be unimportant and preferring someone who is honest, kind, and helpful and someone who likes children (Stiles et al. 1990; Gibbons et al. 1996).
The culture of poverty and the rejection by men of children not their own provides the context and tragic results of machismo. In fact, it may be that it is poverty that is breaking down the personal dignity necessary for traditional familism and replacing it with the excesses of machismo. Some evidence, however, suggests movement toward what Western clinicians would describe as a more functional or healthy family.
A survey of seventy-one married Cuban women in Panama (Stinnett; Knaub; O'Neal; and Walters 1983) revealed fairly egalitarian beliefs concerning marriage. Large majorities believed that Cuban women (1) should have an education of equal quality as men; (2) should receive equal pay for equal work; (3) are just as intelligent as men; (4) are just as capable of making important decisions as are men; and (5) should express their opinions even if their husbands do not ask for them, and should voice their disagreements with their husbands.
At the same time, most agreed that the husband is the head of the family, that the wife must obey her husband, and that the woman's place is in the home (even though 77% of the sample worked outside the home). This indicates a separate but equal attitude compatible with the familism construct.
Finally, Hispanic families that rate themselves as strong and in which couples are highly satisfied with their marriages emphasize that psychological factors—love and companionship—take precedence. Data collected from nine Cuban American countries using Stinnett's Family Strengths Inventory yielded results that were virtually identical to studies conducted in the United States (Casas et al. 1984).
The most important factors for maintaining a happy family life were:
1. love and affection;
2. family togetherness;
3. understanding and acceptance;
4. mutual respect and appreciation;
5. communication and relationship skills;
Wives emphasized love and affection more than husbands did, and husbands were more likely than wives to mention the importance of religion.
Evidence also shows that a growing number of Cuban American families value love and affection in the husband-wife and parent-child relationships more than they do the traditional authoritysubmissiveness approach. All of this bodes well for familism, which not only avoids the abuses of patriarchy, but also makes it more likely that Cuban American families will not suffer the disengagement, in which individualism is more important than family, common in the West.
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Yahoo answers: How is family life differant in Venezuela than in America?
Our extended families (uncles, aunts, cousins) are much closer, partly because we have shorter distances. Even though like in the US most mothers work, kids usually stay with their grandparents or a close relative as suppose to day care. It's not unusual to see 3 or 4 generations together having dinner in a restaurant. We do have arguments but the sense of family still remains.
Our average family size is 5.2 people, it doesn't always include a father since a high percentage of Venezuelan men don't live with their kids.
Venezuelans are happy people, they are hard workers, the whole family (mom, dad, granma, grandpa, cousins, aunts, uncles,etc..) tries to get together as much as they can, and have a blast, they are also very close with each other, there's no time for boriness, fights, or anything like that, they always find the time to go out and have fun, they don't live to work, they try to balance work and fun at the same level.